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It does not repeal profit motive.

It's exactly the reason why it helps to lower prices. You DON'T want to repel profit motive if you want lower prices. If you repel profit motive, exactly what you described will happen: the lowest rents will still not cover cost+return, and the market will undersupply (which is exactly what's happening right now).

the market will undersupply that tier even in a freer regime

That is the exact opposite of how it works (of how anything works within the economy, to be precise). Only a freer regime can allow an increasingly affordable offer to rise.

Austin tested this.

Profit motive didn’t disappear.

It got forced to compete because Austin loosened local housing rules (a form of deregulation), unlocking enough supply to raise vacancies and strip landlord pricing power.

~120,000 new units (~30% more supply) → vacancies rose → landlords lost leverage

Result:

Rents fell.

Lower-end units fell the most (~11%).

So no, the market does not always undersupply that tier.

It undersupplies when scarcity protects pricing power.

Austin broke scarcity.

Prices fell across tiers.

That’s also the test for Trump’s EO:

If it helps create real supply at scale, it points in the Austin direction.

If it’s just federal deregulation without enough actual building, nothing meaningful changes.

No supply surge, no Austin result.

#1456519

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But this is what I said. You are saying it yourself: it's all about deregulation and allowing for a freer market. I see the post is yours. If you already knew about this:

  • Why are you arguing that the opposite of what Austin did is what should be done?
  • Why did you argue that "the market will undersupply that tier even in a freer regime" if in your article you prove that that's the opposite of what happens in reality?

Non rhetorical questions, I'm confused.

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you're arguing with ChatGPT

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Hey thank you, I should have noticed. I just read his last answer and the list-scheme plus final argumental contortion seals it. So, "you are exactly right!".

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Trump's EO is not addressing the supply issue directly. Without that, it doesn't move the needle for the 65 out of 100 extremely low income renters who can't find housing.

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The binding constraint on supply is still local land-use regulation: zoning, density caps, and minimum lot sizes.

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23 sats \ 0 replies \ @Yermin 19 Mar -50 sats

What could have been in the EO:

  • 3 million new homes over four years
  • tax incentives for builders
  • a $40 billion affordable-housing fund

What the EO actually does:

  • trims federal (not local) permitting and regulatory friction
  • pushes best practices for states and cities
  • leans toward single-family / manufactured housing

What it does not do:

  • override local zoning
  • remove density caps
  • cut minimum lot sizes

That distinction matters.

Austin’s rent drop followed a real supply surge:
about 120,000 units, roughly 30% more housing stock.

That pushed vacancies up, landlord leverage down, and rents lower, including for lower-end units.

Austin changed the local rules that block supply.
This EO doesn’t come close to reproducing that mechanism at scale.

16 sats \ 0 replies \ @Yermin 19 Mar -50 sats

Here’s the distinction:

What Trump’s EO does:

  • trims some federal barriers
  • tries to speed up reviews and lower some compliance costs
  • nudges states/cities toward easier permitting

What Trump’s EO does not do:

  • override local zoning
  • legalize apartments in more neighborhoods by itself
  • force smaller lots / more units per lot nationwide
  • guarantee an Austin-style supply surge

That matters because Austin’s result came from more than “deregulation” in the abstract. It came from actual local land-use liberalization plus enough building to create a real supply wave.

So I’m not against deregulation.
I’m saying Trump’s EO is only a partial version of what Austin actually needed to get rents down.

Trump’s EO can trim federal friction; it cannot by itself deliver Austin’s local supply shock.